> This week's print edition of the Economist is being withheld from > circulation. This is the FOURTH time this year! > Here is the article that irks so much the yellowish rats and their > whitey minions a la GSS.
> AntiNazi Mort > "Only the truth hurts" > _
> Where Power Lies > from The Economist print edition
> AUTUMN in Thailand is coup season. Three years ago the prime minister > at the time, Thaksin Shinawatra, flew to New York for the United > Nations General Assembly as rumours circulated in Bangkok of a plot > against him. His army chief denied them. On September 19th 2006 he > seized power. As he sets off for this year’s UN meetings, the current > prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, will be hoping that history does > not repeat itself. Since Mr Thaksin’s ousting, Thailand has been > convulsed by political fighting. The army has played a decisive role, > even after it donned a figleaf of civilian rule. Few expect the > generals to go back to their barracks soon.
> To mark the third anniversary of the coup, Mr Thaksin’s red-shirted > supporters plan to rally in Bangkok. A big show of force is likely. A > controversial security law allows troops to restore order if the > police cannot manage—and a political row over the appointment of a new > police chief has already rattled the force.
> Mr Abhisit has tried to reassure nervous Thais that his squabbling, > nine-month-old coalition government is on good terms with the army. > The top brass have given their usual no-coup pledges. This time, they > are probably sincere. It would seem rash to unseat Mr Abhisit, whom > they helped to install after the courts dissolved a pro-Thaksin > government, and who remains beholden to them.
> Army officers like to grumble that politics in Thailand, unlike > soldiering, is a dirty game. But it is a game that they have rigged to > their advantage. After the coup, the liberal 1997 constitution was > replaced by a less democratic one. They have secured a bigger budget > allocation, allowing them to give friendly politicians a hand. And a > tough new internal-security act was passed with minimal oversight.
> This proved handy after Mr Thaksin’s allies won an election in > December 2007 and an inept military government was disbanded. Within > months, yellow-shirted royalist protesters were back on the streets in > Bangkok, refusing to leave until the government did. In the ensuing > chaos, it was the army that arguably emerged on top. Urged by > yellow-shirts to stage another coup, General Anupong Paochinda, the > army chief, demurred. But when he refused to disperse the crowds at > Bangkok’s two airports last November, and instead urged the prime > minister, Somchai Wongsawat, to resign, the effect was the same.
> After the mess it made in power, the army is much happier pulling the > strings, says Paul Chambers of Heidelberg University in Germany. It > has all the legal tools it needs to keep civilians like Mr Abhisit in > line, without the bother of having actually to run the country.
> Of course, General Anupong’s reluctance to seize power need not > preclude others from trying. Many of the 18 coups since 1932 have > turned on factional rivalry within the top military ranks during the > autumn shuffle of commands. But General Anupong has promoted his > followers and penalised officers suspected of Thaksinite loyalties. He > is due to retire next year as head of the army, the most important > branch of the armed forces. His anointed successor is his deputy, > General Prayuth Chan-ocha, who is young enough to serve until 2014. He > is reckoned to be even more conservative than his mentor, and even > readier to crack heads to defend national security and the revered > monarchy. General Prayuth is likely to play a crucial role during the > much-feared succession to the king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is 81.
> Among Thais, the army commands both respect and suspicion. A recent > survey by the Asia Foundation ranked it second behind the judiciary as > institutions with integrity (the monarchy was not an option). But only > 37% of respondents said it was neutral. Its reputation has improved > since May 1992, when troops massacred scores of demonstrators in > Bangkok. Never again, came the refrain. Soldiers were spat on in > public. But successive civilian governments failed to overhaul the > 300,000-strong armed forces. They still have several hundred active > generals, many without even a desk. The tally of 36 four-star officers > is just behind America’s 41. But America’s army is four times larger > and at war.
> Mr Thaksin, who came to power in 2001, crossed the army in two ways. > Firstly, he kept a lid on spending, meaning fewer fat commissions on > the procurement of expensive weapons. Second, he interfered in annual > promotions. Within two years he had installed his cousin as army > chief. That put him at loggerheads with Prem Tinsulanonda, a retired > general and former prime minister, who is the chief adviser to King > Bhumibol. Assigning the most senior ranks had been the purview of Mr > Prem, who chairs the Privy Council. Upstart politicians were not > supposed to meddle. The resulting Prem-Thaksin feud and the 2006 coup > pulled the army firmly back into politics, if indeed it had ever > really left.
> Asian democracies like Indonesia and South Korea have put military > rule behind them, yet Thailand is swimming the other way. A civilian > government with an electoral mandate might start to turn it around. > But the elite in Bangkok would not tolerate another pro-Thaksin > government. On September 19th the red-shirts are determined to march > on the house of General Prem, the alleged mastermind of the 2006 coup. > Thailand’s army sees itself as the defender of the crown and suspects > a republican agenda among reds. For that reason, the generals will be > loth to let go until the succession is over. But repressing a mass > movement in the name of a charismatic king is one thing. As Nepal’s > army found in 2006, doing the same for an unpopular monarch, as > Thailand’s crown prince would be, is a recipe for defeat.
<veak...@gmail.com> wrote: > Thaksin is buying a Fiji passport in > exchange for a license to open Casino in Fiji .island
> n Sep 23, 3:30 am, J...@Vance.com (Magnus) wrote:
> > This week's print edition of the Economist is being withheld from > > circulation. This is the FOURTH time this year! > > Here is the article that irks so much the yellowish rats and their > > whitey minions a la GSS.
> > AntiNazi Mort > > "Only the truth hurts" > > _
> > Where Power Lies > > from The Economist print edition
> > AUTUMN in Thailand is coup season. Three years ago the prime minister > > at the time, Thaksin Shinawatra, flew to New York for the United > > Nations General Assembly as rumours circulated in Bangkok of a plot > > against him. His army chief denied them. On September 19th 2006 he > > seized power. As he sets off for this year’s UN meetings, the current > > prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, will be hoping that history does > > not repeat itself. Since Mr Thaksin’s ousting, Thailand has been > > convulsed by political fighting. The army has played a decisive role, > > even after it donned a figleaf of civilian rule. Few expect the > > generals to go back to their barracks soon.
> > To mark the third anniversary of the coup, Mr Thaksin’s red-shirted > > supporters plan to rally in Bangkok. A big show of force is likely. A > > controversial security law allows troops to restore order if the > > police cannot manage—and a political row over the appointment of a new > > police chief has already rattled the force.
> > Mr Abhisit has tried to reassure nervous Thais that his squabbling, > > nine-month-old coalition government is on good terms with the army. > > The top brass have given their usual no-coup pledges. This time, they > > are probably sincere. It would seem rash to unseat Mr Abhisit, whom > > they helped to install after the courts dissolved a pro-Thaksin > > government, and who remains beholden to them.
> > Army officers like to grumble that politics in Thailand, unlike > > soldiering, is a dirty game. But it is a game that they have rigged to > > their advantage. After the coup, the liberal 1997 constitution was > > replaced by a less democratic one. They have secured a bigger budget > > allocation, allowing them to give friendly politicians a hand. And a > > tough new internal-security act was passed with minimal oversight.
> > This proved handy after Mr Thaksin’s allies won an election in > > December 2007 and an inept military government was disbanded. Within > > months, yellow-shirted royalist protesters were back on the streets in > > Bangkok, refusing to leave until the government did. In the ensuing > > chaos, it was the army that arguably emerged on top. Urged by > > yellow-shirts to stage another coup, General Anupong Paochinda, the > > army chief, demurred. But when he refused to disperse the crowds at > > Bangkok’s two airports last November, and instead urged the prime > > minister, Somchai Wongsawat, to resign, the effect was the same.
> > After the mess it made in power, the army is much happier pulling the > > strings, says Paul Chambers of Heidelberg University in Germany. It > > has all the legal tools it needs to keep civilians like Mr Abhisit in > > line, without the bother of having actually to run the country.
> > Of course, General Anupong’s reluctance to seize power need not > > preclude others from trying. Many of the 18 coups since 1932 have > > turned on factional rivalry within the top military ranks during the > > autumn shuffle of commands. But General Anupong has promoted his > > followers and penalised officers suspected of Thaksinite loyalties. He > > is due to retire next year as head of the army, the most important > > branch of the armed forces. His anointed successor is his deputy, > > General Prayuth Chan-ocha, who is young enough to serve until 2014. He > > is reckoned to be even more conservative than his mentor, and even > > readier to crack heads to defend national security and the revered > > monarchy. General Prayuth is likely to play a crucial role during the > > much-feared succession to the king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is 81.
> > Among Thais, the army commands both respect and suspicion. A recent > > survey by the Asia Foundation ranked it second behind the judiciary as > > institutions with integrity (the monarchy was not an option). But only > > 37% of respondents said it was neutral. Its reputation has improved > > since May 1992, when troops massacred scores of demonstrators in > > Bangkok. Never again, came the refrain. Soldiers were spat on in > > public. But successive civilian governments failed to overhaul the > > 300,000-strong armed forces. They still have several hundred active > > generals, many without even a desk. The tally of 36 four-star officers > > is just behind America’s 41. But America’s army is four times larger > > and at war.
> > Mr Thaksin, who came to power in 2001, crossed the army in two ways. > > Firstly, he kept a lid on spending, meaning fewer fat commissions on > > the procurement of expensive weapons. Second, he interfered in annual > > promotions. Within two years he had installed his cousin as army > > chief. That put him at loggerheads with Prem Tinsulanonda, a retired > > general and former prime minister, who is the chief adviser to King > > Bhumibol. Assigning the most senior ranks had been the purview of Mr > > Prem, who chairs the Privy Council. Upstart politicians were not > > supposed to meddle. The resulting Prem-Thaksin feud and the 2006 coup > > pulled the army firmly back into politics, if indeed it had ever > > really left.
> > Asian democracies like Indonesia and South Korea have put military > > rule behind them, yet Thailand is swimming the other way. A civilian > > government with an electoral mandate might start to turn it around. > > But the elite in Bangkok would not tolerate another pro-Thaksin > > government. On September 19th the red-shirts are determined to march > > on the house of General Prem, the alleged mastermind of the 2006 coup. > > Thailand’s army sees itself as the defender of the crown and suspects > > a republican agenda among reds. For that reason, the generals will be > > loth to let go until the succession is over. But repressing a mass > > movement in the name of a charismatic king is one thing. As Nepal’s > > army found in 2006, doing the same for an unpopular monarch, as > > Thailand’s crown prince would be, is a recipe for defeat.
<mohamedholy...@gmail.com> wrote: > Thaksin is willing to invest 250 million US$ for the Casino in > FIJI ,
> a bit expensive of a passport of FIJI .
> n Sep 23, 8:27 am, Jesus Christ the Cunt Fucker
> <veak...@gmail.com> wrote: > > Thaksin is buying a Fiji passport in > > exchange for a license to open Casino in Fiji .island
> > n Sep 23, 3:30 am, J...@Vance.com (Magnus) wrote:
> > > This week's print edition of the Economist is being withheld from > > > circulation. This is the FOURTH time this year! > > > Here is the article that irks so much the yellowish rats and their > > > whitey minions a la GSS.
> > > AntiNazi Mort > > > "Only the truth hurts" > > > _
> > > Where Power Lies > > > from The Economist print edition
> > > AUTUMN in Thailand is coup season. Three years ago the prime minister > > > at the time, Thaksin Shinawatra, flew to New York for the United > > > Nations General Assembly as rumours circulated in Bangkok of a plot > > > against him. His army chief denied them. On September 19th 2006 he > > > seized power. As he sets off for this year’s UN meetings, the current > > > prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, will be hoping that history does > > > not repeat itself. Since Mr Thaksin’s ousting, Thailand has been > > > convulsed by political fighting. The army has played a decisive role, > > > even after it donned a figleaf of civilian rule. Few expect the > > > generals to go back to their barracks soon.
> > > To mark the third anniversary of the coup, Mr Thaksin’s red-shirted > > > supporters plan to rally in Bangkok. A big show of force is likely. A > > > controversial security law allows troops to restore order if the > > > police cannot manage—and a political row over the appointment of a new > > > police chief has already rattled the force.
> > > Mr Abhisit has tried to reassure nervous Thais that his squabbling, > > > nine-month-old coalition government is on good terms with the army. > > > The top brass have given their usual no-coup pledges. This time, they > > > are probably sincere. It would seem rash to unseat Mr Abhisit, whom > > > they helped to install after the courts dissolved a pro-Thaksin > > > government, and who remains beholden to them.
> > > Army officers like to grumble that politics in Thailand, unlike > > > soldiering, is a dirty game. But it is a game that they have rigged to > > > their advantage. After the coup, the liberal 1997 constitution was > > > replaced by a less democratic one. They have secured a bigger budget > > > allocation, allowing them to give friendly politicians a hand. And a > > > tough new internal-security act was passed with minimal oversight.
> > > This proved handy after Mr Thaksin’s allies won an election in > > > December 2007 and an inept military government was disbanded. Within > > > months, yellow-shirted royalist protesters were back on the streets in > > > Bangkok, refusing to leave until the government did. In the ensuing > > > chaos, it was the army that arguably emerged on top. Urged by > > > yellow-shirts to stage another coup, General Anupong Paochinda, the > > > army chief, demurred. But when he refused to disperse the crowds at > > > Bangkok’s two airports last November, and instead urged the prime > > > minister, Somchai Wongsawat, to resign, the effect was the same.
> > > After the mess it made in power, the army is much happier pulling the > > > strings, says Paul Chambers of Heidelberg University in Germany. It > > > has all the legal tools it needs to keep civilians like Mr Abhisit in > > > line, without the bother of having actually to run the country.
> > > Of course, General Anupong’s reluctance to seize power need not > > > preclude others from trying. Many of the 18 coups since 1932 have > > > turned on factional rivalry within the top military ranks during the > > > autumn shuffle of commands. But General Anupong has promoted his > > > followers and penalised officers suspected of Thaksinite loyalties. He > > > is due to retire next year as head of the army, the most important > > > branch of the armed forces. His anointed successor is his deputy, > > > General Prayuth Chan-ocha, who is young enough to serve until 2014. He > > > is reckoned to be even more conservative than his mentor, and even > > > readier to crack heads to defend national security and the revered > > > monarchy. General Prayuth is likely to play a crucial role during the > > > much-feared succession to the king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is 81.
> > > Among Thais, the army commands both respect and suspicion. A recent > > > survey by the Asia Foundation ranked it second behind the judiciary as > > > institutions with integrity (the monarchy was not an option). But only > > > 37% of respondents said it was neutral. Its reputation has improved > > > since May 1992, when troops massacred scores of demonstrators in > > > Bangkok. Never again, came the refrain. Soldiers were spat on in > > > public. But successive civilian governments failed to overhaul the > > > 300,000-strong armed forces. They still have several hundred active > > > generals, many without even a desk. The tally of 36 four-star officers > > > is just behind America’s 41. But America’s army is four times larger > > > and at war.
> > > Mr Thaksin, who came to power in 2001, crossed the army in two ways. > > > Firstly, he kept a lid on spending, meaning fewer fat commissions on > > > the procurement of expensive weapons. Second, he interfered in annual > > > promotions. Within two years he had installed his cousin as army > > > chief. That put him at loggerheads with Prem Tinsulanonda, a retired > > > general and former prime minister, who is the chief adviser to King > > > Bhumibol. Assigning the most senior ranks had been the purview of Mr > > > Prem, who chairs the Privy Council. Upstart politicians were not > > > supposed to meddle. The resulting Prem-Thaksin feud and the 2006 coup > > > pulled the army firmly back into politics, if indeed it had ever > > > really left.
> > > Asian democracies like Indonesia and South Korea have put military > > > rule behind them, yet Thailand is swimming the other way. A civilian > > > government with an electoral mandate might start to turn it around. > > > But the elite in Bangkok would not tolerate another pro-Thaksin > > > government. On September 19th the red-shirts are determined to march > > > on the house of General Prem, the alleged mastermind of the 2006 coup. > > > Thailand’s army sees itself as the defender of the crown and suspects > > > a republican agenda among reds. For that reason, the generals will be > > > loth to let go until the succession is over. But repressing a mass > > > movement in the name of a charismatic king is one thing. As Nepal’s > > > army found in 2006, doing the same for an unpopular monarch, as > > > Thailand’s crown prince would be, is a recipe for defeat.
Komin for one thank my lucky stars that my mother got fucked by the whole Chinese People's Liberation Army. That means there is a high chance that Komin has Chinese genes.
Thank you mama! Better to be half a Chinese than 100% a Khmer. Even half a Chinese has double IQ of a full Khmer shit.
> > > > This week's print edition of the Economist is being withheld from > > > > circulation. This is the FOURTH time this year! > > > > Here is the article that irks so much the yellowish rats and their > > > > whitey minions a la GSS.
> > > > AntiNazi Mort > > > > "Only the truth hurts" > > > > _
> > > > Where Power Lies > > > > from The Economist print edition
> > > > AUTUMN in Thailand is coup season. Three years ago the prime minister > > > > at the time, Thaksin Shinawatra, flew to New York for the United > > > > Nations General Assembly as rumours circulated in Bangkok of a plot > > > > against him. His army chief denied them. On September 19th 2006 he > > > > seized power. As he sets off for this year’s UN meetings, the current > > > > prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, will be hoping that history does > > > > not repeat itself. Since Mr Thaksin’s ousting, Thailand has been > > > > convulsed by political fighting. The army has played a decisive role, > > > > even after it donned a figleaf of civilian rule. Few expect the > > > > generals to go back to their barracks soon.
> > > > To mark the third anniversary of the coup, Mr Thaksin’s red-shirted > > > > supporters plan to rally in Bangkok. A big show of force is likely. A > > > > controversial security law allows troops to restore order if the > > > > police cannot manage—and a political row over the appointment of a new > > > > police chief has already rattled the force.
> > > > Mr Abhisit has tried to reassure nervous Thais that his squabbling, > > > > nine-month-old coalition government is on good terms with the army. > > > > The top brass have given their usual no-coup pledges. This time, they > > > > are probably sincere. It would seem rash to unseat Mr Abhisit, whom > > > > they helped to install after the courts dissolved a pro-Thaksin > > > > government, and who remains beholden to them.
> > > > Army officers like to grumble that politics in Thailand, unlike > > > > soldiering, is a dirty game. But it is a game that they have rigged to > > > > their advantage. After the coup, the liberal 1997 constitution was > > > > replaced by a less democratic one. They have secured a bigger budget > > > > allocation, allowing them to give friendly politicians a hand. And a > > > > tough new internal-security act was passed with minimal oversight.
> > > > This proved handy after Mr Thaksin’s allies won an election in > > > > December 2007 and an inept military government was disbanded. Within > > > > months, yellow-shirted royalist protesters were back on the streets in > > > > Bangkok, refusing to leave until the government did. In the ensuing > > > > chaos, it was the army that arguably emerged on top. Urged by > > > > yellow-shirts to stage another coup, General Anupong Paochinda, the > > > > army chief, demurred. But when he refused to disperse the crowds at > > > > Bangkok’s two airports last November, and instead urged the prime > > > > minister, Somchai Wongsawat, to resign, the effect was the same.
> > > > After the mess it made in power, the army is much happier pulling the > > > > strings, says Paul Chambers of Heidelberg University in Germany. It > > > > has all the legal tools it needs to keep civilians like Mr Abhisit in > > > > line, without the bother of having actually to run the country.
> > > > Of course, General Anupong’s reluctance to seize power need not > > > > preclude others from trying. Many of the 18 coups since 1932 have > > > > turned on factional rivalry within the top military ranks during the > > > > autumn shuffle of commands. But General Anupong has promoted his > > > > followers and penalised officers suspected of Thaksinite loyalties. He > > > > is due to retire next year as head of the army, the most important > > > > branch of the armed forces. His anointed successor is his deputy, > > > > General Prayuth Chan-ocha, who is young enough to serve until 2014. He > > > > is reckoned to be even more conservative than his mentor, and even > > > > readier to crack heads to defend national security and the revered > > > > monarchy. General Prayuth is likely to play a crucial role during the > > > > much-feared succession to the king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is 81.
> > > > Among Thais, the army commands both respect and suspicion. A recent > > > > survey by the Asia Foundation ranked it second behind the judiciary as > > > > institutions with integrity (the monarchy was not an option). But only > > > > 37% of respondents said it was neutral. Its reputation has improved > > > > since May 1992, when troops massacred scores of demonstrators in > > > > Bangkok. Never again, came the refrain. Soldiers were spat on in > > > > public. But successive civilian governments failed to overhaul the > > > > 300,000-strong armed forces. They still have several hundred active > > > > generals, many without even a desk. The tally of 36 four-star officers > > > > is just behind America’s 41. But America’s army is four times larger > > > > and at war.
> > > > Mr Thaksin, who came to power in 2001, crossed the army in two ways. > > > > Firstly, he kept a lid on spending, meaning fewer fat commissions on > > > > the procurement of expensive weapons. Second, he interfered in annual > > > > promotions. Within two years he had installed his cousin as army > > > > chief. That put him at loggerheads with Prem Tinsulanonda, a retired > > > > general and former prime minister, who is the chief adviser to King > > > > Bhumibol. Assigning the most senior ranks had been the purview of Mr > > > > Prem, who chairs the Privy Council. Upstart politicians were not > > > > supposed to meddle. The resulting Prem-Thaksin feud and the 2006 coup > > > > pulled the army firmly back into politics, if indeed it had ever > > > > really left.
> > > > Asian democracies like Indonesia and South Korea have put military > > > > rule behind them, yet Thailand is swimming the other way. A civilian > > > > government with an electoral mandate might start to turn it around. > > > > But the elite in Bangkok would not tolerate another pro-Thaksin > > > > government. On September 19th the red-shirts are determined to march > > > > on the house of General Prem, the alleged mastermind of the 2006 coup. > > > > Thailand’s army sees itself as the defender of the crown and suspects > > > > a republican agenda among reds. For that reason, the generals will be > > > > loth to let go until the succession is over. But repressing a mass > > > > movement in the name of a charismatic king is one thing. As Nepal’s > > > > army found in 2006, doing the same for an unpopular monarch, as > > > > Thailand’s crown prince would be, is a recipe for defeat.
> Komin for one thank my lucky stars that my mother got fucked by the > whole Chinese People's Liberation Army. That means there is a high > chance that Komin has Chinese genes.
> Thank you mama! Better to be half a Chinese than 100% a Khmer. Even > half a Chinese has double IQ of a full Khmer shit.- Hide quoted text -
> > > > > This week's print edition of the Economist is being withheld from > > > > > circulation. This is the FOURTH time this year! > > > > > Here is the article that irks so much the yellowish rats and their > > > > > whitey minions a la GSS.
> > > > > AntiNazi Mort > > > > > "Only the truth hurts" > > > > > _
> > > > > Where Power Lies > > > > > from The Economist print edition
> > > > > AUTUMN in Thailand is coup season. Three years ago the prime minister > > > > > at the time, Thaksin Shinawatra, flew to New York for the United > > > > > Nations General Assembly as rumours circulated in Bangkok of a plot > > > > > against him. His army chief denied them. On September 19th 2006 he > > > > > seized power. As he sets off for this year’s UN meetings, the current > > > > > prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, will be hoping that history does > > > > > not repeat itself. Since Mr Thaksin’s ousting, Thailand has been > > > > > convulsed by political fighting. The army has played a decisive role, > > > > > even after it donned a figleaf of civilian rule. Few expect the > > > > > generals to go back to their barracks soon.
> > > > > To mark the third anniversary of the coup, Mr Thaksin’s red-shirted > > > > > supporters plan to rally in Bangkok. A big show of force is likely. A > > > > > controversial security law allows troops to restore order if the > > > > > police cannot manage—and a political row over the appointment of a new > > > > > police chief has already rattled the force.
> > > > > Mr Abhisit has tried to reassure nervous Thais that his squabbling, > > > > > nine-month-old coalition government is on good terms with the army. > > > > > The top brass have given their usual no-coup pledges. This time, they > > > > > are probably sincere. It would seem rash to unseat Mr Abhisit, whom > > > > > they helped to install after the courts dissolved a pro-Thaksin > > > > > government, and who remains beholden to them.
> > > > > Army officers like to grumble that politics in Thailand, unlike > > > > > soldiering, is a dirty game. But it is a game that they have rigged to > > > > > their advantage. After the coup, the liberal 1997 constitution was > > > > > replaced by a less democratic one. They have secured a bigger budget > > > > > allocation, allowing them to give friendly politicians a hand. And a > > > > > tough new internal-security act was passed with minimal oversight.
> > > > > This proved handy after Mr Thaksin’s allies won an election in > > > > > December 2007 and an inept military government was disbanded. Within > > > > > months, yellow-shirted royalist protesters were back on the streets in > > > > > Bangkok, refusing to leave until the government did. In the ensuing > > > > > chaos, it was the army that arguably emerged on top. Urged by > > > > > yellow-shirts to stage another coup, General Anupong Paochinda, the > > > > > army chief, demurred. But when he refused to disperse the crowds at > > > > > Bangkok’s two airports last November, and instead urged the prime > > > > > minister, Somchai Wongsawat, to resign, the effect was the same.
> > > > > After the mess it made in power, the army is much happier pulling the > > > > > strings, says Paul Chambers of Heidelberg University in Germany. It > > > > > has all the legal tools it needs to keep civilians like Mr Abhisit in > > > > > line, without the bother of having actually to run the country.
> > > > > Of course, General Anupong’s reluctance to seize power need not > > > > > preclude others from trying. Many of the 18 coups since 1932 have > > > > > turned on factional rivalry within the top military ranks during the > > > > > autumn shuffle of commands. But General Anupong has promoted his > > > > > followers and penalised officers suspected of Thaksinite loyalties. He > > > > > is due to retire next year as head of the army, the most important > > > > > branch of the armed forces. His anointed successor is his deputy, > > > > > General Prayuth Chan-ocha, who is young enough to serve until 2014. He > > > > > is reckoned to be even more conservative than his mentor, and even > > > > > readier to crack heads to defend national security and the revered > > > > > monarchy. General Prayuth is likely to play a crucial role during the > > > > > much-feared succession to the king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is 81.
> > > > > Among Thais, the army commands both respect and suspicion. A recent > > > > > survey by the Asia Foundation ranked it second behind the judiciary as > > > > > institutions with integrity (the monarchy was not an option). But only > > > > > 37% of respondents said it was neutral. Its reputation has improved > > > > > since May 1992, when troops massacred scores of demonstrators in > > > > > Bangkok. Never again, came the refrain. Soldiers were spat on in > > > > > public. But successive civilian governments failed to overhaul the > > > > > 300,000-strong armed forces. They still have several hundred active > > > > > generals, many without even a desk. The tally of 36 four-star officers > > > > > is just behind America’s 41. But America’s army is four times larger > > > > > and at war.
> > > > > Mr Thaksin, who came to power in 2001, crossed the army in two ways. > > > > > Firstly, he kept a lid on spending, meaning fewer fat commissions on > > > > > the procurement of expensive weapons. Second, he interfered in annual > > > > > promotions. Within two years he had installed his cousin as army > > > > > chief. That put him at loggerheads with Prem Tinsulanonda, a retired > > > > > general and former prime minister, who is the chief adviser to King > > > > > Bhumibol. Assigning the most senior ranks had been the purview of Mr > > > > > Prem, who chairs the Privy Council. Upstart politicians were not > > > > > supposed to meddle. The resulting Prem-Thaksin feud and the 2006 coup > > > > > pulled the army firmly back into politics, if indeed it had ever > > > > > really left.
> > > > > Asian democracies like Indonesia and South Korea have put military > > > > > rule behind them, yet Thailand is swimming the other way. A civilian > > > > > government with an electoral mandate might start to turn it around. > > > > > But the elite in Bangkok would not tolerate another pro-Thaksin > > > > > government. On September 19th the red-shirts are determined to march > > > > > on the house of General Prem, the alleged mastermind of the 2006 coup. > > > > > Thailand’s army sees itself as the defender of the crown and suspects > > > > > a republican agenda among reds. For that reason, the generals will be > > > > > loth to let go until the succession is over. But repressing a mass > > > > > movement in the name of a charismatic king is one thing. As Nepal’s > > > > > army found in 2006, doing the same for an unpopular monarch, as > > > > > Thailand’s crown prince would be, is a recipe for defeat.
> > Komin for one thank my lucky stars that my mother got fucked by the > > whole Chinese People's Liberation Army. That means there is a high > > chance that Komin has Chinese genes.
> > Thank you mama! Better to be half a Chinese than 100% a Khmer. Even > > half a Chinese has double IQ of a full Khmer shit.- Hide quoted text -
> > - Show quoted text -
Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd does not need a Fiji passport! Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd is a pedophile on the run hiding from Interpol in Cambodia!!!
> > > > > > This week's print edition of the Economist is being withheld from > > > > > > circulation. This is the FOURTH time this year! > > > > > > Here is the article that irks so much the yellowish rats and their > > > > > > whitey minions a la GSS.
> > > > > > AntiNazi Mort > > > > > > "Only the truth hurts" > > > > > > _
> > > > > > Where Power Lies > > > > > > from The Economist print edition
> > > > > > AUTUMN in Thailand is coup season. Three years ago the prime minister > > > > > > at the time, Thaksin Shinawatra, flew to New York for the United > > > > > > Nations General Assembly as rumours circulated in Bangkok of a plot > > > > > > against him. His army chief denied them. On September 19th 2006 he > > > > > > seized power. As he sets off for this year’s UN meetings, the current > > > > > > prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, will be hoping that history does > > > > > > not repeat itself. Since Mr Thaksin’s ousting, Thailand has been > > > > > > convulsed by political fighting. The army has played a decisive role, > > > > > > even after it donned a figleaf of civilian rule. Few expect the > > > > > > generals to go back to their barracks soon.
> > > > > > To mark the third anniversary of the coup, Mr Thaksin’s red-shirted > > > > > > supporters plan to rally in Bangkok. A big show of force is likely. A > > > > > > controversial security law allows troops to restore order if the > > > > > > police cannot manage—and a political row over the appointment of a new > > > > > > police chief has already rattled the force.
> > > > > > Mr Abhisit has tried to reassure nervous Thais that his squabbling, > > > > > > nine-month-old coalition government is on good terms with the army. > > > > > > The top brass have given their usual no-coup pledges. This time, they > > > > > > are probably sincere. It would seem rash to unseat Mr Abhisit, whom > > > > > > they helped to install after the courts dissolved a pro-Thaksin > > > > > > government, and who remains beholden to them.
> > > > > > Army officers like to grumble that politics in Thailand, unlike > > > > > > soldiering, is a dirty game. But it is a game that they have rigged to > > > > > > their advantage. After the coup, the liberal 1997 constitution was > > > > > > replaced by a less democratic one. They have secured a bigger budget > > > > > > allocation, allowing them to give friendly politicians a hand. And a > > > > > > tough new internal-security act was passed with minimal oversight.
> > > > > > This proved handy after Mr Thaksin’s allies won an election in > > > > > > December 2007 and an inept military government was disbanded. Within > > > > > > months, yellow-shirted royalist protesters were back on the streets in > > > > > > Bangkok, refusing to leave until the government did. In the ensuing > > > > > > chaos, it was the army that arguably emerged on top. Urged by > > > > > > yellow-shirts to stage another coup, General Anupong Paochinda, the > > > > > > army chief, demurred. But when he refused to disperse the crowds at > > > > > > Bangkok’s two airports last November, and instead urged the prime > > > > > > minister, Somchai Wongsawat, to resign, the effect was the same.
> > > > > > After the mess it made in power, the army is much happier pulling the > > > > > > strings, says Paul Chambers of Heidelberg University in Germany. It > > > > > > has all the legal tools it needs to keep civilians like Mr Abhisit in > > > > > > line, without the bother of having actually to run the country.
> > > > > > Of course, General Anupong’s reluctance to seize power need not > > > > > > preclude others from trying. Many of the 18 coups since 1932 have > > > > > > turned on factional rivalry within the top military ranks during the > > > > > > autumn shuffle of commands. But General Anupong has promoted his > > > > > > followers and penalised officers suspected of Thaksinite loyalties. He > > > > > > is due to retire next year as head of the army, the most important > > > > > > branch of the armed forces. His anointed successor is his deputy, > > > > > > General Prayuth Chan-ocha, who is young enough to serve until 2014. He > > > > > > is reckoned to be even more conservative than his mentor, and even > > > > > > readier to crack heads to defend national security and the revered > > > > > > monarchy. General Prayuth is likely to play a crucial role during the > > > > > > much-feared succession to the king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is 81.
> > > > > > Among Thais, the army commands both respect and suspicion. A recent > > > > > > survey by the Asia Foundation ranked it second behind the judiciary as > > > > > > institutions with integrity (the monarchy was not an option). But only > > > > > > 37% of respondents said it was neutral. Its reputation has improved > > > > > > since May 1992, when troops massacred scores of demonstrators in > > > > > > Bangkok. Never again, came the refrain. Soldiers were spat on in > > > > > > public. But successive civilian governments failed to overhaul the > > > > > > 300,000-strong armed forces. They still have several hundred active > > > > > > generals, many without even a desk. The tally of 36 four-star officers > > > > > > is just behind America’s 41. But America’s army is four times larger > > > > > > and at war.
> > > > > > Mr Thaksin, who came to power in 2001, crossed the army in two ways. > > > > > > Firstly, he kept a lid on spending, meaning fewer fat commissions on > > > > > > the procurement of expensive weapons. Second, he interfered in annual > > > > > > promotions. Within two years he had installed his cousin as army > > > > > > chief. That put him at loggerheads with Prem Tinsulanonda, a retired > > > > > > general and former prime minister, who is the chief adviser to King > > > > > > Bhumibol. Assigning the most senior ranks had been the purview of Mr > > > > > > Prem, who chairs the Privy Council. Upstart politicians were not > > > > > > supposed to meddle. The resulting Prem-Thaksin feud and the 2006 coup > > > > > > pulled the army firmly back into politics, if indeed it had ever > > > > > > really left.
> > > > > > Asian democracies like Indonesia and South Korea have put military > > > > > > rule behind them, yet Thailand is swimming the other way. A civilian > > > > > > government with an electoral mandate might start to turn it around. > > > > > > But the elite in Bangkok would not tolerate another pro-Thaksin > > > > > > government. On September 19th the red-shirts are determined to march > > > > > > on the house of General Prem, the alleged mastermind of the 2006 coup. > > > > > > Thailand’s army sees itself as the defender of the crown and suspects > > > > > > a republican agenda among reds. For that reason, the generals will be > > > > > > loth to let go until the succession is over. But repressing a mass > > > > > > movement in the name of a charismatic king is one thing. As Nepal’s > > > > > > army found in 2006, doing the same for an unpopular monarch, as > > > > > > Thailand’s crown prince would be, is a recipe for defeat.
> > > Komin for one thank my lucky stars that my mother got fucked by the > > > whole Chinese People's Liberation Army. That means there is a high > > > chance that Komin has Chinese genes.
> > > Thank you mama! Better to be half a Chinese than 100% a Khmer. Even > > > half a Chinese has double IQ of a full Khmer shit.- Hide quoted text -
> > > - Show quoted text -
> Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd does not need a Fiji passport! > Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd is a pedophile on the run hiding from > Interpol in Cambodia!!!
> You sexy Fucking Yoni, are you also a Khmer Turd?
> > > > > > > This week's print edition of the Economist is being withheld from > > > > > > > circulation. This is the FOURTH time this year! > > > > > > > Here is the article that irks so much the yellowish rats and their > > > > > > > whitey minions a la GSS.
> > > > > > > AntiNazi Mort > > > > > > > "Only the truth hurts" > > > > > > > _
> > > > > > > Where Power Lies > > > > > > > from The Economist print edition
> > > > > > > AUTUMN in Thailand is coup season. Three years ago the prime minister > > > > > > > at the time,ThaksinShinawatra, flew to New York for the United > > > > > > > Nations General Assembly as rumours circulated in Bangkok of a plot > > > > > > > against him. His army chief denied them. On September 19th 2006 he > > > > > > > seized power. As he sets off for this year’s UN meetings, the current > > > > > > > prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, will be hoping that history does > > > > > > > not repeat itself. Since MrThaksin’sousting, Thailand has been > > > > > > > convulsed by political fighting. The army has played a decisive role, > > > > > > > even after it donned a figleaf of civilian rule. Few expect the > > > > > > > generals to go back to their barracks soon.
> > > > > > > To mark the third anniversary of the coup, MrThaksin’sred-shirted > > > > > > > supporters plan to rally in Bangkok. A big show of force is likely. A > > > > > > > controversial security law allows troops to restore order if the > > > > > > > police cannot manage—and a political row over the appointment of a new > > > > > > > police chief has already rattled the force.
> > > > > > > Mr Abhisit has tried to reassure nervous Thais that his squabbling, > > > > > > > nine-month-old coalition government is on good terms with the army. > > > > > > > The top brass have given their usual no-coup pledges. This time, they > > > > > > > are probably sincere. It would seem rash to unseat Mr Abhisit, whom > > > > > > > they helped to install after the courts dissolved a pro-Thaksin > > > > > > > government, and who remains beholden to them.
> > > > > > > Army officers like to grumble that politics in Thailand, unlike > > > > > > > soldiering, is a dirty game. But it is a game that they have rigged to > > > > > > > their advantage. After the coup, the liberal 1997 constitution was > > > > > > > replaced by a less democratic one. They have secured a bigger budget > > > > > > > allocation, allowing them to give friendly politicians a hand. And a > > > > > > > tough new internal-security act was passed with minimal oversight.
> > > > > > > This proved handy after MrThaksin’sallies won an election in > > > > > > > December 2007 and an inept military government was disbanded. Within > > > > > > > months, yellow-shirted royalist protesters were back on the streets in > > > > > > > Bangkok, refusing to leave until the government did. In the ensuing > > > > > > > chaos, it was the army that arguably emerged on top. Urged by > > > > > > > yellow-shirts to stage another coup, General Anupong Paochinda, the > > > > > > > army chief, demurred. But when he refused to disperse the crowds at > > > > > > > Bangkok’s two airports last November, and instead urged the prime > > > > > > > minister, Somchai Wongsawat, to resign, the effect was the same.
> > > > > > > After the mess it made in power, the army is much happier pulling the > > > > > > > strings, says Paul Chambers of Heidelberg University in Germany. It > > > > > > > has all the legal tools it needs to keep civilians like Mr Abhisit in > > > > > > > line, without the bother of having actually to run the country.
> > > > > > > Of course, General Anupong’s reluctance to seize power need not > > > > > > > preclude others from trying. Many of the 18 coups since 1932 have > > > > > > > turned on factional rivalry within the top military ranks during the > > > > > > > autumn shuffle of commands. But General Anupong has promoted his > > > > > > > followers and penalised officers suspected of Thaksinite loyalties. He > > > > > > > is due to retire next year as head of the army, the most important > > > > > > > branch of the armed forces. His anointed successor is his deputy, > > > > > > > General Prayuth Chan-ocha, who is young enough to serve until 2014. He > > > > > > > is reckoned to be even more conservative than his mentor, and even > > > > > > > readier to crack heads to defend national security and the revered > > > > > > > monarchy. General Prayuth is likely to play a crucial role during the > > > > > > > much-feared succession to the king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is 81.
> > > > > > > Among Thais, the army commands both respect and suspicion. A recent > > > > > > > survey by the Asia Foundation ranked it second behind the judiciary as > > > > > > > institutions with integrity (the monarchy was not an option). But only > > > > > > > 37% of respondents said it was neutral. Its reputation has improved > > > > > > > since May 1992, when troops massacred scores of demonstrators in > > > > > > > Bangkok. Never again, came the refrain. Soldiers were spat on in > > > > > > > public. But successive civilian governments failed to overhaul the > > > > > > > 300,000-strong armed forces. They still have several hundred active > > > > > > > generals, many without even a desk. The tally of 36 four-star officers > > > > > > > is just behind America’s 41. But America’s army is four times larger > > > > > > > and at war.
> > > > > > > MrThaksin, who came to power in 2001, crossed the army in two ways. > > > > > > > Firstly, he kept a lid on spending, meaning fewer fat commissions on > > > > > > > the procurement of expensive weapons. Second, he interfered in annual > > > > > > > promotions. Within two years he had installed his cousin as army > > > > > > > chief. That put him at loggerheads with Prem Tinsulanonda, a retired > > > > > > > general and former prime minister, who is the chief adviser to King > > > > > > > Bhumibol. Assigning the most senior ranks had been the purview of Mr > > > > > > > Prem, who chairs the Privy Council. Upstart politicians were not > > > > > > > supposed to meddle. The resulting Prem-Thaksinfeud and the 2006 coup > > > > > > > pulled the army firmly back into politics, if indeed it had ever > > > > > > > really left.
> > > > > > > Asian democracies like Indonesia and South Korea have put military > > > > > > > rule behind them, yet Thailand is swimming the other way. A civilian > > > > > > > government with an electoral mandate might start to turn it around. > > > > > > > But the elite in Bangkok would not tolerate another pro-Thaksin > > > > > > > government. On September 19th the red-shirts are determined to march > > > > > > > on the house of General Prem, the alleged mastermind of the 2006 coup. > > > > > > > Thailand’s army sees itself as the defender of the crown and suspects > > > > > > > a republican agenda among reds. For that reason, the generals will be > > > > > > > loth to let go until the succession is over. But repressing a mass > > > > > > > movement in the name of a charismatic king is one thing. As Nepal’s > > > > > > > army found in 2006, doing the same for an unpopular monarch, as > > > > > > > Thailand’s crown prince would be, is a recipe for defeat.
> > > > Komin for one thank my lucky stars that my mother got fucked by the > > > > whole Chinese People's Liberation Army. That means there is a high > > > > chance that Komin has Chinese genes.
> > > > Thank you mama! Better to be half a Chinese than 100% a Khmer. Even > > > > half a Chinese has double IQ of a full Khmer shit.- Hide quoted text -
> > > > - Show quoted text -
> > Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd does not need aFijipassport! > > Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd is a pedophile on the run hiding from > > Interpol in Cambodia!!!
> > You sexy Fucking Yoni, are you also a Khmer Turd?
Discussion subject changed to "The Economist banned in Thailand again (2B.com) ,........ Thaksin will corrupt Thai judges , if the Old King retires" by the Uniquely One REAL komin , the Only Unique Son of GOD
the Uniquely One REAL komin , the Only Unique Son of GOD
<voivodv...@gmail.com> wrote: > Thaksin has already given to > the Thai Crown Prince Verylonghorn > many millions of Bahts in the last 15 years in Thailand .
> So when the Old Thai King dies ,
> Thaksin will demand the Thai Crown Prince > to order Thai judges to annul all charges against Thaksin .
> the New Thai King can do everything for Thaksin
> and the New Thai King will do every thing for Thaksin,
> Thaksin will become another Cambodia ' s HUN SEN , > Hun SEn controls the Khmer King Sihamoni of Cambodia .
> Thaksin will control the new Young Thai King of Thailand .
> n Sep 26, 9:40 am, "the Holy Learn Ga , Budha ' s black Fucking
> Cock" <mahatmanga...@gmail.com> wrote: > > Thaksin will bribe all Thai Judges .
> > after the Death of Thai old King .
> > n Sep 25, 7:59 pm, Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd
> > <Komin_the_t...@live.com> wrote: > > > On Sep 25, 4:48 pm, "sexy Fucking Yoni , the Hindu Cunt Goddesse"
> > > <indoshi...@gmail.com> wrote: > > > > Fake Komin the Turd also wants aFIJI passport
> > > > n Sep 24, 7:41 pm, Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd
> > > > > > > > This week's print edition of the Economist is being withheld from > > > > > > > > circulation. This is the FOURTH time this year! > > > > > > > > Here is the article that irks so much the yellowish rats and their > > > > > > > > whitey minions a la GSS.
> > > > > > > > Where Power Lies > > > > > > > > from The Economist print edition
> > > > > > > > AUTUMN in Thailand is coup season. Three years ago the prime minister > > > > > > > > at the time,ThaksinShinawatra, flew to New York for the United > > > > > > > > Nations General Assembly as rumours circulated in Bangkok of a plot > > > > > > > > against him. His army chief denied them. On September 19th 2006 he > > > > > > > > seized power. As he sets off for this year’s UN meetings, the current > > > > > > > > prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, will be hoping that history does > > > > > > > > not repeat itself. Since MrThaksin’sousting, Thailand has been > > > > > > > > convulsed by political fighting. The army has played a decisive role, > > > > > > > > even after it donned a figleaf of civilian rule. Few expect the > > > > > > > > generals to go back to their barracks soon.
> > > > > > > > To mark the third anniversary of the coup, MrThaksin’sred-shirted > > > > > > > > supporters plan to rally in Bangkok. A big show of force is likely. A > > > > > > > > controversial security law allows troops to restore order if the > > > > > > > > police cannot manage—and a political row over the appointment of a new > > > > > > > > police chief has already rattled the force.
> > > > > > > > Mr Abhisit has tried to reassure nervous Thais that his squabbling, > > > > > > > > nine-month-old coalition government is on good terms with the army. > > > > > > > > The top brass have given their usual no-coup pledges. This time, they > > > > > > > > are probably sincere. It would seem rash to unseat Mr Abhisit, whom > > > > > > > > they helped to install after the courts dissolved a pro-Thaksin > > > > > > > > government, and who remains beholden to them.
> > > > > > > > Army officers like to grumble that politics in Thailand, unlike > > > > > > > > soldiering, is a dirty game. But it is a game that they have rigged to > > > > > > > > their advantage. After the coup, the liberal 1997 constitution was > > > > > > > > replaced by a less democratic one. They have secured a bigger budget > > > > > > > > allocation, allowing them to give friendly politicians a hand. And a > > > > > > > > tough new internal-security act was passed with minimal oversight.
> > > > > > > > This proved handy after MrThaksin’sallies won an election in > > > > > > > > December 2007 and an inept military government was disbanded. Within > > > > > > > > months, yellow-shirted royalist protesters were back on the streets in > > > > > > > > Bangkok, refusing to leave until the government did. In the ensuing > > > > > > > > chaos, it was the army that arguably emerged on top. Urged by > > > > > > > > yellow-shirts to stage another coup, General Anupong Paochinda, the > > > > > > > > army chief, demurred. But when he refused to disperse the crowds at > > > > > > > > Bangkok’s two airports last November, and instead urged the prime > > > > > > > > minister, Somchai Wongsawat, to resign, the effect was the same.
> > > > > > > > After the mess it made in power, the army is much happier pulling the > > > > > > > > strings, says Paul Chambers of Heidelberg University in Germany. It > > > > > > > > has all the legal tools it needs to keep civilians like Mr Abhisit in > > > > > > > > line, without the bother of having actually to run the country.
> > > > > > > > Of course, General Anupong’s reluctance to seize power need not > > > > > > > > preclude others from trying. Many of the 18 coups since 1932 have > > > > > > > > turned on factional rivalry within the top military ranks during the > > > > > > > > autumn shuffle of commands. But General Anupong has promoted his > > > > > > > > followers and penalised officers suspected of Thaksinite loyalties. He > > > > > > > > is due to retire next year as head of the army, the most important > > > > > > > > branch of the armed forces. His anointed successor is his deputy, > > > > > > > > General Prayuth Chan-ocha, who is young enough to serve until 2014. He > > > > > > > > is reckoned to be even more conservative than his mentor, and even > > > > > > > > readier to crack heads to defend national security and the revered > > > > > > > > monarchy. General Prayuth is likely to play a crucial role during the > > > > > > > > much-feared succession to the king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is 81.
> > > > > > > > Among Thais, the army commands both respect and suspicion. A recent > > > > > > > > survey by the Asia Foundation ranked it second behind the judiciary as > > > > > > > > institutions with integrity (the monarchy was not an option). But only > > > > > > > > 37% of respondents said it was neutral. Its reputation has improved > > > > > > > > since May 1992, when troops massacred scores of demonstrators in > > > > > > > > Bangkok. Never again, came the refrain. Soldiers were spat on in > > > > > > > > public. But successive civilian governments failed to overhaul the > > > > > > > > 300,000-strong armed forces. They still have several hundred active > > > > > > > > generals, many without even a desk. The tally of 36 four-star officers > > > > > > > > is just behind America’s 41. But America’s army is four times larger > > > > > > > > and at war.
> > > > > > > > MrThaksin, who came to power in 2001, crossed the army in two ways. > > > > > > > > Firstly, he kept a lid on spending, meaning fewer fat commissions on > > > > > > > > the procurement of expensive weapons. Second, he interfered in annual > > > > > > > > promotions. Within two years he had installed his cousin as army > > > > > > > > chief. That put him at loggerheads with Prem Tinsulanonda, a retired > > > > > > > > general and former prime minister, who is the chief adviser to King > > > > > > > > Bhumibol. Assigning the most senior ranks had been the purview of Mr > > > > > > > > Prem, who chairs the Privy Council. Upstart politicians were not > > > > > > > > supposed to meddle. The resulting Prem-Thaksinfeud and the 2006 coup > > > > > > > > pulled the army firmly back into politics, if indeed it had ever > > > > > > > > really left.
> > > > > > > > Asian democracies like Indonesia and South Korea have put military > > > > > > > > rule behind them, yet Thailand is swimming the other way. A civilian > > > > > > > > government with an electoral mandate might start to turn it around. > > > > > > > > But the elite in Bangkok would not tolerate another pro-Thaksin > > > > > > > > government. On September 19th the red-shirts are determined to march > > > > > > > > on the house of General Prem, the alleged mastermind of the 2006 coup. > > > > > > > > Thailand’s army sees itself as the defender of the crown and suspects > > > > > > > > a republican agenda among reds. For that reason, the generals will be > > > > > > > > loth to let go until the succession is over. But repressing a mass > > > > > > > > movement in the name of a charismatic king is one thing. As Nepal’s > > > > > > > > army found in 2006, doing the same for an unpopular monarch, as > > > > > > > > Thailand’s crown prince would be, is a recipe for defeat.
> > > > > Komin for one thank my lucky stars that my mother got fucked by the > > > > > whole Chinese People's Liberation Army. That means there is a high > > > > > chance that Komin has Chinese genes.
> > > > > Thank you mama! Better to be half a Chinese than 100% a Khmer. Even > > > > > half a Chinese has double IQ of a full Khmer shit.- Hide quoted text -
> > > > > - Show quoted text -
> > > Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd does not need aFijipassport! > > > Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd is a
Discussion subject changed to "The Economist banned in Thailand again (2B.com) ,........ Thaksin will corrupt Thai judges , if the Old King retires, .. the Thai Crown King is a Porn Addict" by la Comtesse Erzsebet de Bathory
From: la Comtesse Erzsebet de Bathory <voivodv...@gmail.com>
Date: Thu, 1 Oct 2009 19:44:12 -0700 (PDT)
Local: Fri, Oct 2 2009 10:44 am
Subject: Re: The Economist banned in Thailand again (2B.com) ,........ Thaksin will corrupt Thai judges , if the Old King retires, .. the Thai Crown King is a Porn Addict
> On Sep 30, 10:02 am, la Comtesse Erzsebet de Bathory
> <voivodv...@gmail.com> wrote: > > Thaksin has already given to > > the Thai Crown Prince Verylonghorn > > many millions of Bahts in the last 15 years in Thailand .
> > So when the Old Thai King dies ,
> > Thaksin will demand the Thai Crown Prince > > to order Thai judges to annul all charges against Thaksin .
> > the New Thai King can do everything for Thaksin
> > and the New Thai King will do every thing for Thaksin,
> > Thaksin will become another Cambodia ' s HUN SEN , > > Hun SEn controls the Khmer King Sihamoni of Cambodia .
> > Thaksin will control the new Young Thai King of Thailand .
> > n Sep 26, 9:40 am, "the Holy Learn Ga , Budha ' s black Fucking
> > Cock" <mahatmanga...@gmail.com> wrote: > > > Thaksin will bribe all Thai Judges .
> > > after the Death of Thai old King .
> > > n Sep 25, 7:59 pm, Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd
> > > <Komin_the_t...@live.com> wrote: > > > > On Sep 25, 4:48 pm, "sexy Fucking Yoni , the Hindu Cunt Goddesse"
> > > > <indoshi...@gmail.com> wrote: > > > > > Fake Komin the Turd also wants aFIJI passport
> > > > > n Sep 24, 7:41 pm, Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd
> > > > > > > > > This week's print edition of the Economist is being withheld from > > > > > > > > > circulation. This is the FOURTH time this year! > > > > > > > > > Here is the article that irks so much the yellowish rats and their > > > > > > > > > whitey minions a la GSS.
> > > > > > > > > Where Power Lies > > > > > > > > > from The Economist print edition
> > > > > > > > > AUTUMN in Thailand is coup season. Three years ago the prime minister > > > > > > > > > at the time,ThaksinShinawatra, flew to New York for the United > > > > > > > > > Nations General Assembly as rumours circulated in Bangkok of a plot > > > > > > > > > against him. His army chief denied them. On September 19th 2006 he > > > > > > > > > seized power. As he sets off for this year’s UN meetings, the current > > > > > > > > > prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, will be hoping that history does > > > > > > > > > not repeat itself. Since MrThaksin’sousting, Thailand has been > > > > > > > > > convulsed by political fighting. The army has played a decisive role, > > > > > > > > > even after it donned a figleaf of civilian rule. Few expect the > > > > > > > > > generals to go back to their barracks soon.
> > > > > > > > > To mark the third anniversary of the coup, MrThaksin’sred-shirted > > > > > > > > > supporters plan to rally in Bangkok. A big show of force is likely. A > > > > > > > > > controversial security law allows troops to restore order if the > > > > > > > > > police cannot manage—and a political row over the appointment of a new > > > > > > > > > police chief has already rattled the force.
> > > > > > > > > Mr Abhisit has tried to reassure nervous Thais that his squabbling, > > > > > > > > > nine-month-old coalition government is on good terms with the army. > > > > > > > > > The top brass have given their usual no-coup pledges. This time, they > > > > > > > > > are probably sincere. It would seem rash to unseat Mr Abhisit, whom > > > > > > > > > they helped to install after the courts dissolved a pro-Thaksin > > > > > > > > > government, and who remains beholden to them.
> > > > > > > > > Army officers like to grumble that politics in Thailand, unlike > > > > > > > > > soldiering, is a dirty game. But it is a game that they have rigged to > > > > > > > > > their advantage. After the coup, the liberal 1997 constitution was > > > > > > > > > replaced by a less democratic one. They have secured a bigger budget > > > > > > > > > allocation, allowing them to give friendly politicians a hand. And a > > > > > > > > > tough new internal-security act was passed with minimal oversight.
> > > > > > > > > This proved handy after MrThaksin’sallies won an election in > > > > > > > > > December 2007 and an inept military government was disbanded. Within > > > > > > > > > months, yellow-shirted royalist protesters were back on the streets in > > > > > > > > > Bangkok, refusing to leave until the government did. In the ensuing > > > > > > > > > chaos, it was the army that arguably emerged on top. Urged by > > > > > > > > > yellow-shirts to stage another coup, General Anupong Paochinda, the > > > > > > > > > army chief, demurred. But when he refused to disperse the crowds at > > > > > > > > > Bangkok’s two airports last November, and instead urged the prime > > > > > > > > > minister, Somchai Wongsawat, to resign, the effect was the same.
> > > > > > > > > After the mess it made in power, the army is much happier pulling the > > > > > > > > > strings, says Paul Chambers of Heidelberg University in Germany. It > > > > > > > > > has all the legal tools it needs to keep civilians like Mr Abhisit in > > > > > > > > > line, without the bother of having actually to run the country.
> > > > > > > > > Of course, General Anupong’s reluctance to seize power need not > > > > > > > > > preclude others from trying. Many of the 18 coups since 1932 have > > > > > > > > > turned on factional rivalry within the top military ranks during the > > > > > > > > > autumn shuffle of commands. But General Anupong has promoted his > > > > > > > > > followers and penalised officers suspected of Thaksinite loyalties. He > > > > > > > > > is due to retire next year as head of the army, the most important > > > > > > > > > branch of the armed forces. His anointed successor is his deputy, > > > > > > > > > General Prayuth Chan-ocha, who is young enough to serve until 2014. He > > > > > > > > > is reckoned to be even more conservative than his mentor, and even > > > > > > > > > readier to crack heads to defend national security and the revered > > > > > > > > > monarchy. General Prayuth is likely to play a crucial role during the > > > > > > > > > much-feared succession to the king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is 81.
> > > > > > > > > Among Thais, the army commands both respect and suspicion. A recent > > > > > > > > > survey by the Asia Foundation ranked it second behind the judiciary as > > > > > > > > > institutions with integrity (the monarchy was not an option). But only > > > > > > > > > 37% of respondents said it was neutral. Its reputation has improved > > > > > > > > > since May 1992, when troops massacred scores of demonstrators in > > > > > > > > > Bangkok. Never again, came the refrain. Soldiers were spat on in > > > > > > > > > public. But successive civilian governments failed to overhaul the > > > > > > > > > 300,000-strong armed forces. They still have several hundred active > > > > > > > > > generals, many without even a desk. The tally of 36 four-star officers > > > > > > > > > is just behind America’s 41. But America’s army is four times larger > > > > > > > > > and at war.
> > > > > > > > > MrThaksin, who came to power in 2001, crossed the army in two ways. > > > > > > > > > Firstly, he kept a lid on spending, meaning fewer fat commissions on > > > > > > > > > the procurement of expensive weapons. Second, he interfered in annual > > > > > > > > > promotions. Within two years he had installed his cousin as army > > > > > > > > > chief. That put him at loggerheads with Prem Tinsulanonda, a retired > > > > > > > > > general and former prime minister, who is the chief adviser to King > > > > > > > > > Bhumibol. Assigning the most senior ranks had been the purview of Mr > > > > > > > > > Prem, who chairs the Privy Council. Upstart politicians were not > > > > > > > > > supposed to meddle. The resulting Prem-Thaksinfeud and the 2006 coup > > > > > > > > > pulled the army firmly back into politics, if indeed it had ever > > > > > > > > > really left.
> > > > > > > > > Asian democracies like Indonesia and South Korea have put military > > > > > > > > > rule behind them, yet Thailand is swimming the other way. A civilian > > > > > > > > > government with an electoral mandate might start to turn it around. > > > > > > > > > But the elite in Bangkok would not tolerate another pro-Thaksin > > > > > > > > > government. On September 19th the red-shirts are determined to march > > > > > > > > > on the house of General Prem, the alleged mastermind of the 2006 coup. > > > > > > > > > Thailand’s army sees itself as the defender of the crown and suspects > > > > > > > > > a republican agenda among reds. For that reason, the generals will be > > > > > > > > > loth to let go until the succession is over. But repressing a mass > > > > > > > > > movement in the name of a charismatic king is one thing. As Nepal’s > > > > > > > > > army found in 2006, doing the same for an unpopular monarch, as > > > > > > > > > Thailand’s crown prince would be, is a recipe for defeat.
> n Sep 30, 3:56 pm, "the Uniquely One REAL komin , the Only Unique > Son of GOD" <veak...@gmail.com> wrote:
> > On Sep 30, 10:02 am, la Comtesse Erzsebet de Bathory
> > <voivodv...@gmail.com> wrote: > > > Thaksin has already given to > > > the Thai Crown Prince Verylonghorn > > > many millions of Bahts in the last 15 years in Thailand .
> > > So when the Old Thai King dies ,
> > > Thaksin will demand the Thai Crown Prince > > > to order Thai judges to annul all charges against Thaksin .
> > > the New Thai King can do everything for Thaksin
> > > and the New Thai King will do every thing for Thaksin,
> > > Thaksin will become another Cambodia ' s HUN SEN , > > > Hun SEn controls the Khmer King Sihamoni of Cambodia .
> > > Thaksin will control the new Young Thai King of Thailand .
> > > n Sep 26, 9:40 am, "the Holy Learn Ga , Budha ' s black Fucking
> > > Cock" <mahatmanga...@gmail.com> wrote: > > > > Thaksin will bribe all Thai Judges .
> > > > after the Death of Thai old King .
> > > > n Sep 25, 7:59 pm, Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd
> > > > <Komin_the_t...@live.com> wrote: > > > > > On Sep 25, 4:48 pm, "sexy Fucking Yoni , the Hindu Cunt Goddesse"
> > > > > > > > > > This week's print edition of the Economist is being withheld from > > > > > > > > > > circulation. This is the FOURTH time this year! > > > > > > > > > > Here is the article that irks so much the yellowish rats and their > > > > > > > > > > whitey minions a la GSS.
> > > > > > > > > > Where Power Lies > > > > > > > > > > from The Economist print edition
> > > > > > > > > > AUTUMN in Thailand is coup season. Three years ago the prime minister > > > > > > > > > > at the time,ThaksinShinawatra, flew to New York for the United > > > > > > > > > > Nations General Assembly as rumours circulated in Bangkok of a plot > > > > > > > > > > against him. His army chief denied them. On September 19th 2006 he > > > > > > > > > > seized power. As he sets off for this year’s UN meetings, the current > > > > > > > > > > prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, will be hoping that history does > > > > > > > > > > not repeat itself. Since MrThaksin’sousting, Thailand has been > > > > > > > > > > convulsed by political fighting. The army has played a decisive role, > > > > > > > > > > even after it donned a figleaf of civilian rule. Few expect the > > > > > > > > > > generals to go back to their barracks soon.
> > > > > > > > > > To mark the third anniversary of the coup, MrThaksin’sred-shirted > > > > > > > > > > supporters plan to rally in Bangkok. A big show of force is likely. A > > > > > > > > > > controversial security law allows troops to restore order if the > > > > > > > > > > police cannot manage—and a political row over the appointment of a new > > > > > > > > > > police chief has already rattled the force.
> > > > > > > > > > Mr Abhisit has tried to reassure nervous Thais that his squabbling, > > > > > > > > > > nine-month-old coalition government is on good terms with the army. > > > > > > > > > > The top brass have given their usual no-coup pledges. This time, they > > > > > > > > > > are probably sincere. It would seem rash to unseat Mr Abhisit, whom > > > > > > > > > > they helped to install after the courts dissolved a pro-Thaksin > > > > > > > > > > government, and who remains beholden to them.
> > > > > > > > > > Army officers like to grumble that politics in Thailand, unlike > > > > > > > > > > soldiering, is a dirty game. But it is a game that they have rigged to > > > > > > > > > > their advantage. After the coup, the liberal 1997 constitution was > > > > > > > > > > replaced by a less democratic one. They have secured a bigger budget > > > > > > > > > > allocation, allowing them to give friendly politicians a hand. And a > > > > > > > > > > tough new internal-security act was passed with minimal oversight.
> > > > > > > > > > This proved handy after MrThaksin’sallies won an election in > > > > > > > > > > December 2007 and an inept military government was disbanded. Within > > > > > > > > > > months, yellow-shirted royalist protesters were back on the streets in > > > > > > > > > > Bangkok, refusing to leave until the government did. In the ensuing > > > > > > > > > > chaos, it was the army that arguably emerged on top. Urged by > > > > > > > > > > yellow-shirts to stage another coup, General Anupong Paochinda, the > > > > > > > > > > army chief, demurred. But when he refused to disperse the crowds at > > > > > > > > > > Bangkok’s two airports last November, and instead urged the prime > > > > > > > > > > minister, Somchai Wongsawat, to resign, the effect was the same.
> > > > > > > > > > After the mess it made in power, the army is much happier pulling the > > > > > > > > > > strings, says Paul Chambers of Heidelberg University in Germany. It > > > > > > > > > > has all the legal tools it needs to keep civilians like Mr Abhisit in > > > > > > > > > > line, without the bother of having actually to run the country.
> > > > > > > > > > Of course, General Anupong’s reluctance to seize power need not > > > > > > > > > > preclude others from trying. Many of the 18 coups since 1932 have > > > > > > > > > > turned on factional rivalry within the top military ranks during the > > > > > > > > > > autumn shuffle of commands. But General Anupong has promoted his > > > > > > > > > > followers and penalised officers suspected of Thaksinite loyalties. He > > > > > > > > > > is due to retire next year as head of the army, the most important > > > > > > > > > > branch of the armed forces. His anointed successor is his deputy, > > > > > > > > > > General Prayuth Chan-ocha, who is young enough to serve until 2014. He > > > > > > > > > > is reckoned to be even more conservative than his mentor, and even > > > > > > > > > > readier to crack heads to defend national security and the revered > > > > > > > > > > monarchy. General Prayuth is likely to play a crucial role during the > > > > > > > > > > much-feared succession to the king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is 81.
> > > > > > > > > > Among Thais, the army commands both respect and suspicion. A recent > > > > > > > > > > survey by the Asia Foundation ranked it second behind the judiciary as > > > > > > > > > > institutions with integrity (the monarchy was not an option). But only > > > > > > > > > > 37% of respondents said it was neutral. Its reputation has improved > > > > > > > > > > since May 1992, when troops massacred scores of demonstrators in > > > > > > > > > > Bangkok. Never again, came the refrain. Soldiers were spat on in > > > > > > > > > > public. But successive civilian governments failed to overhaul the > > > > > > > > > > 300,000-strong armed forces. They still have several hundred active > > > > > > > > > > generals, many without even a desk. The tally of 36 four-star officers > > > > > > > > > > is just behind America’s 41. But America’s army is four times larger > > > > > > > > > > and at war.
> > > > > > > > > > MrThaksin, who came to power in 2001, crossed the army in two ways. > > > > > > > > > > Firstly, he kept a lid on spending, meaning fewer fat commissions on > > > > > > > > > > the procurement of expensive weapons. Second, he interfered in annual > > > > > > > > > > promotions. Within two years he had installed his cousin as army > > > > > > > > > > chief. That put him at loggerheads with Prem Tinsulanonda, a retired > > > > > > > > > > general and former prime minister, who is the chief adviser to King > > > > > > > > > > Bhumibol. Assigning the most senior ranks had been the purview of Mr > > > > > > > > > > Prem, who chairs the Privy Council. Upstart politicians were not > > > > > > > > > > supposed to meddle. The resulting Prem-Thaksinfeud and the 2006 coup > > > > > > > > > > pulled the army firmly back into politics, if indeed it had ever > > > > > > > > > > really left.
> > > > > > > > > > Asian democracies like Indonesia and South Korea have put military > > > > > > > > > > rule behind them, yet Thailand is swimming the other way. A civilian > > > > > > > > > > government with an electoral mandate might start to turn it around. > > > > > > > > > > But the elite in Bangkok would not tolerate another pro-Thaksin > > > > > > > > > > government. On September 19th the red-shirts are determined to march > > > > > > > > > > on the house of General Prem, the alleged mastermind of the 2006 coup. > > > > > > > > > > Thailand’s army sees itself as the defender of the crown and suspects > > > > > > > > > > a republican agenda among reds. For that reason, the generals will be
Discussion subject changed to "The Economist banned in Thailand again (2B.com) ,........ Thaksin will corrupt Thai judges , if the Old King retires, .. the Thai Crown King is a Porn Addict" by la Comtesse Erzsebet de Bathory
From: la Comtesse Erzsebet de Bathory <voivodv...@gmail.com>
Date: Sun, 4 Oct 2009 17:08:01 -0700 (PDT)
Local: Mon, Oct 5 2009 8:08 am
Subject: Re: The Economist banned in Thailand again (2B.com) ,........ Thaksin will corrupt Thai judges , if the Old King retires, .. the Thai Crown King is a Porn Addict
> n Sep 30, 3:56 pm, "the Uniquely One REAL komin , the Only Unique > Son of GOD" <veak...@gmail.com> wrote:
> > On Sep 30, 10:02 am, la Comtesse Erzsebet de Bathory
> > <voivodv...@gmail.com> wrote: > > > Thaksin has already given to > > > the Thai Crown Prince Verylonghorn > > > many millions of Bahts in the last 15 years in Thailand .
> > > So when the Old Thai King dies ,
> > > Thaksin will demand the Thai Crown Prince > > > to order Thai judges to annul all charges against Thaksin .
> > > the New Thai King can do everything for Thaksin
> > > and the New Thai King will do every thing for Thaksin,
> > > Thaksin will become another Cambodia ' s HUN SEN , > > > Hun SEn controls the Khmer King Sihamoni of Cambodia .
> > > Thaksin will control the new Young Thai King of Thailand .
> > > n Sep 26, 9:40 am, "the Holy Learn Ga , Budha ' s black Fucking
> > > Cock" <mahatmanga...@gmail.com> wrote: > > > > Thaksin will bribe all Thai Judges .
> > > > after the Death of Thai old King .
> > > > n Sep 25, 7:59 pm, Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd
> > > > <Komin_the_t...@live.com> wrote: > > > > > On Sep 25, 4:48 pm, "sexy Fucking Yoni , the Hindu Cunt Goddesse"
> > > > > > > > > > This week's print edition of the Economist is being withheld from > > > > > > > > > > circulation. This is the FOURTH time this year! > > > > > > > > > > Here is the article that irks so much the yellowish rats and their > > > > > > > > > > whitey minions a la GSS.
> > > > > > > > > > Where Power Lies > > > > > > > > > > from The Economist print edition
> > > > > > > > > > AUTUMN in Thailand is coup season. Three years ago the prime minister > > > > > > > > > > at the time,ThaksinShinawatra, flew to New York for the United > > > > > > > > > > Nations General Assembly as rumours circulated in Bangkok of a plot > > > > > > > > > > against him. His army chief denied them. On September 19th 2006 he > > > > > > > > > > seized power. As he sets off for this year’s UN meetings, the current > > > > > > > > > > prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, will be hoping that history does > > > > > > > > > > not repeat itself. Since MrThaksin’sousting, Thailand has been > > > > > > > > > > convulsed by political fighting. The army has played a decisive role, > > > > > > > > > > even after it donned a figleaf of civilian rule. Few expect the > > > > > > > > > > generals to go back to their barracks soon.
> > > > > > > > > > To mark the third anniversary of the coup, MrThaksin’sred-shirted > > > > > > > > > > supporters plan to rally in Bangkok. A big show of force is likely. A > > > > > > > > > > controversial security law allows troops to restore order if the > > > > > > > > > > police cannot manage—and a political row over the appointment of a new > > > > > > > > > > police chief has already rattled the force.
> > > > > > > > > > Mr Abhisit has tried to reassure nervous Thais that his squabbling, > > > > > > > > > > nine-month-old coalition government is on good terms with the army. > > > > > > > > > > The top brass have given their usual no-coup pledges. This time, they > > > > > > > > > > are probably sincere. It would seem rash to unseat Mr Abhisit, whom > > > > > > > > > > they helped to install after the courts dissolved a pro-Thaksin > > > > > > > > > > government, and who remains beholden to them.
> > > > > > > > > > Army officers like to grumble that politics in Thailand, unlike > > > > > > > > > > soldiering, is a dirty game. But it is a game that they have rigged to > > > > > > > > > > their advantage. After the coup, the liberal 1997 constitution was > > > > > > > > > > replaced by a less democratic one. They have secured a bigger budget > > > > > > > > > > allocation, allowing them to give friendly politicians a hand. And a > > > > > > > > > > tough new internal-security act was passed with minimal oversight.
> > > > > > > > > > This proved handy after MrThaksin’sallies won an election in > > > > > > > > > > December 2007 and an inept military government was disbanded. Within > > > > > > > > > > months, yellow-shirted royalist protesters were back on the streets in > > > > > > > > > > Bangkok, refusing to leave until the government did. In the ensuing > > > > > > > > > > chaos, it was the army that arguably emerged on top. Urged by > > > > > > > > > > yellow-shirts to stage another coup, General Anupong Paochinda, the > > > > > > > > > > army chief, demurred. But when he refused to disperse the crowds at > > > > > > > > > > Bangkok’s two airports last November, and instead urged the prime > > > > > > > > > > minister, Somchai Wongsawat, to resign, the effect was the same.
> > > > > > > > > > After the mess it made in power, the army is much happier pulling the > > > > > > > > > > strings, says Paul Chambers of Heidelberg University in Germany. It > > > > > > > > > > has all the legal tools it needs to keep civilians like Mr Abhisit in > > > > > > > > > > line, without the bother of having actually to run the country.
> > > > > > > > > > Of course, General Anupong’s reluctance to seize power need not > > > > > > > > > > preclude others from trying. Many of the 18 coups since 1932 have > > > > > > > > > > turned on factional rivalry within the top military ranks during the > > > > > > > > > > autumn shuffle of commands. But General Anupong has promoted his > > > > > > > > > > followers and penalised officers suspected of Thaksinite loyalties. He > > > > > > > > > > is due to retire next year as head of the army, the most important > > > > > > > > > > branch of the armed forces. His anointed successor is his deputy, > > > > > > > > > > General Prayuth Chan-ocha, who is young enough to serve until 2014. He > > > > > > > > > > is reckoned to be even more conservative than his mentor, and even > > > > > > > > > > readier to crack heads to defend national security and the revered > > > > > > > > > > monarchy. General Prayuth is likely to play a crucial role during the > > > > > > > > > > much-feared succession to the king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is 81.
> > > > > > > > > > Among Thais, the army commands both respect and suspicion. A recent > > > > > > > > > > survey by the Asia Foundation ranked it second behind the judiciary as > > > > > > > > > > institutions with integrity (the monarchy was not an option). But only > > > > > > > > > > 37% of respondents said it was neutral. Its reputation has improved > > > > > > > > > > since May 1992, when troops massacred scores of demonstrators in > > > > > > > > > > Bangkok. Never again, came the refrain. Soldiers were spat on in > > > > > > > > > > public. But successive civilian governments failed to overhaul the > > > > > > > > > > 300,000-strong armed forces. They still have several hundred active > > > > > > > > > > generals, many without even a desk. The tally of 36 four-star officers > > > > > > > > > > is just behind America’s 41. But America’s army is four times larger > > > > > > > > > > and at war.
> > > > > > > > > > MrThaksin, who came to power in 2001, crossed the army in two ways. > > > > > > > > > > Firstly, he kept a lid on spending, meaning fewer fat commissions on > > > > > > > > > > the procurement of expensive weapons. Second, he interfered in annual > > > > > > > > > > promotions. Within two years he had installed his cousin as army > > > > > > > > > > chief. That put him at loggerheads with Prem Tinsulanonda, a retired > > > > > > > > > > general and former prime minister, who is the chief adviser to King > > > > > > > > > > Bhumibol. Assigning the most senior ranks had been the purview of Mr > > > > > > > > > > Prem, who chairs the Privy Council. Upstart politicians were not > > > > > > > > > > supposed to meddle. The resulting Prem-Thaksinfeud and the 2006 coup > > > > > > > > > > pulled the army firmly back into politics, if indeed it had ever > > > > > > > > > > really left.
> > > > > > > > > > Asian democracies like Indonesia and South Korea have put military > > > > > > > > > > rule behind them, yet Thailand is swimming the other way. A civilian > > > > > > > > > > government with an electoral mandate might start to turn it around. > > > > > > > > > > But the elite in Bangkok would not tolerate another pro-Thaksin > > > > > > > > > > government. On September 19th the red-shirts are determined to march > > > > > > > > > > on the house of General Prem, the alleged mastermind of the 2006 coup. > > > > > > > > > > Thailand’s army sees itself as the defender of the crown and suspects > > > > > > > > > > a republican agenda among reds. For that reason, the generals will be > > > > > > > > > > loth to let go until the succession is over. But repressing a mass > > > > > > > > > > movement in the name of a charismatic king is
Subject: Re: The Economist banned in Thailand again (2B.com) ,........ Thaksin will corrupt Thai judges , if the Old King retires, .. the Thai Crown King is a Porn Addict
<voivodv...@gmail.com> wrote: > On Oct 2, 9:44 am, la Comtesse Erzsebet de Bathory
> <voivodv...@gmail.com> wrote: > > don ' t worry ,
> > the Thai Crown Prince has a healthy mind .
> > he watches Porn for his leisure .
> > n Sep 30, 3:56 pm, "the Uniquely One REAL komin , the Only Unique > > Son of GOD" <veak...@gmail.com> wrote:
> > > On Sep 30, 10:02 am, la Comtesse Erzsebet de Bathory
> > > <voivodv...@gmail.com> wrote: > > > > Thaksin has already given to > > > > the Thai Crown Prince Verylonghorn > > > > many millions of Bahts in the last 15 years in Thailand .
> > > > So when the Old Thai King dies ,
> > > > Thaksin will demand the Thai Crown Prince > > > > to order Thai judges to annul all charges against Thaksin .
> > > > the New Thai King can do everything for Thaksin
> > > > and the New Thai King will do every thing for Thaksin,
> > > > Thaksin will become another Cambodia ' s HUN SEN , > > > > Hun SEn controls the Khmer King Sihamoni of Cambodia .
> > > > Thaksin will control the new Young Thai King of Thailand .
> > > > n Sep 26, 9:40 am, "the Holy Learn Ga , Budha ' s black Fucking
> > > > Cock" <mahatmanga...@gmail.com> wrote: > > > > > Thaksin will bribe all Thai Judges .
> > > > > after the Death of Thai old King .
> > > > > n Sep 25, 7:59 pm, Fucking Komin the Pedophile Turd
> > > > > <Komin_the_t...@live.com> wrote: > > > > > > On Sep 25, 4:48 pm, "sexy Fucking Yoni , the Hindu Cunt Goddesse"
> > > > > > > > > > > This week's print edition of theEconomistis being withheld from > > > > > > > > > > > circulation. This is the FOURTH time this year! > > > > > > > > > > > Here is the article that irks so much the yellowish rats and their > > > > > > > > > > > whitey minions a la GSS.
> > > > > > > > > > > Where Power Lies > > > > > > > > > > > from TheEconomistprint edition
> > > > > > > > > > > AUTUMN in Thailand is coup season. Three years ago the prime minister > > > > > > > > > > > at the time,ThaksinShinawatra, flew to New York for the United > > > > > > > > > > > Nations General Assembly as rumours circulated in Bangkok of a plot > > > > > > > > > > > against him. His army chief denied them. On September 19th 2006 he > > > > > > > > > > > seized power. As he sets off for this year’s UN meetings, the current > > > > > > > > > > > prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, will be hoping that history does > > > > > > > > > > > not repeat itself. Since MrThaksin’sousting, Thailand has been > > > > > > > > > > > convulsed by political fighting. The army has played a decisive role, > > > > > > > > > > > even after it donned a figleaf of civilian rule. Few expect the > > > > > > > > > > > generals to go back to their barracks soon.
> > > > > > > > > > > To mark the third anniversary of the coup, MrThaksin’sred-shirted > > > > > > > > > > > supporters plan to rally in Bangkok. A big show of force is likely. A > > > > > > > > > > > controversial security law allows troops to restore order if the > > > > > > > > > > > police cannot manage—and a political row over the appointment of a new > > > > > > > > > > > police chief has already rattled the force.
> > > > > > > > > > > Mr Abhisit has tried to reassure nervous Thais that his squabbling, > > > > > > > > > > > nine-month-old coalition government is on good terms with the army. > > > > > > > > > > > The top brass have given their usual no-coup pledges. This time, they > > > > > > > > > > > are probably sincere. It would seem rash to unseat Mr Abhisit, whom > > > > > > > > > > > they helped to install after the courts dissolved a pro-Thaksin > > > > > > > > > > > government, and who remains beholden to them.
> > > > > > > > > > > Army officers like to grumble that politics in Thailand, unlike > > > > > > > > > > > soldiering, is a dirty game. But it is a game that they have rigged to > > > > > > > > > > > their advantage. After the coup, the liberal 1997 constitution was > > > > > > > > > > > replaced by a less democratic one. They have secured a bigger budget > > > > > > > > > > > allocation, allowing them to give friendly politicians a hand. And a > > > > > > > > > > > tough new internal-security act was passed with minimal oversight.
> > > > > > > > > > > This proved handy after MrThaksin’sallies won an election in > > > > > > > > > > > December 2007 and an inept military government was disbanded. Within > > > > > > > > > > > months, yellow-shirted royalist protesters were back on the streets in > > > > > > > > > > > Bangkok, refusing to leave until the government did. In the ensuing > > > > > > > > > > > chaos, it was the army that arguably emerged on top. Urged by > > > > > > > > > > > yellow-shirts to stage another coup, General Anupong Paochinda, the > > > > > > > > > > > army chief, demurred. But when he refused to disperse the crowds at > > > > > > > > > > > Bangkok’s two airports last November, and instead urged the prime > > > > > > > > > > > minister, Somchai Wongsawat, to resign, the effect was the same.
> > > > > > > > > > > After the mess it made in power, the army is much happier pulling the > > > > > > > > > > > strings, says Paul Chambers of Heidelberg University in Germany. It > > > > > > > > > > > has all the legal tools it needs to keep civilians like Mr Abhisit in > > > > > > > > > > > line, without the bother of having actually to run the country.
> > > > > > > > > > > Of course, General Anupong’s reluctance to seize power need not > > > > > > > > > > > preclude others from trying. Many of the 18 coups since 1932 have > > > > > > > > > > > turned on factional rivalry within the top military ranks during the > > > > > > > > > > > autumn shuffle of commands. But General Anupong has promoted his > > > > > > > > > > > followers and penalised officers suspected of Thaksinite loyalties. He > > > > > > > > > > > is due to retire next year as head of the army, the most important > > > > > > > > > > > branch of the armed forces. His anointed successor is his deputy, > > > > > > > > > > > General Prayuth Chan-ocha, who is young enough to serve until 2014. He > > > > > > > > > > > is reckoned to be even more conservative than his mentor, and even > > > > > > > > > > > readier to crack heads to defend national security and the revered > > > > > > > > > > > monarchy. General Prayuth is likely to play a crucial role during the > > > > > > > > > > > much-feared succession to the king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who is 81.
> > > > > > > > > > > Among Thais, the army commands both respect and suspicion. A recent > > > > > > > > > > > survey by the Asia Foundation ranked it second behind the judiciary as > > > > > > > > > > > institutions with integrity (the monarchy was not an option). But only > > > > > > > > > > > 37% of respondents said it was neutral. Its reputation has improved > > > > > > > > > > > since May 1992, when troops massacred scores of demonstrators in > > > > > > > > > > > Bangkok. Never again, came the refrain. Soldiers were spat on in > > > > > > > > > > > public. But successive civilian governments failed to overhaul the > > > > > > > > > > > 300,000-strong armed forces. They still have several hundred active > > > > > > > > > > > generals, many without even a desk. The tally of 36 four-star officers > > > > > > > > > > > is just behind America’s 41. But America’s army is four times larger > > > > > > > > > > > and at war.
> > > > > > > > > > > MrThaksin, who came to power in 2001, crossed the army in two ways. > > > > > > > > > > > Firstly, he kept a lid on spending, meaning fewer fat commissions on > > > > > > > > > > > the procurement of expensive weapons. Second, he interfered in annual > > > > > > > > > > > promotions. Within two years he had installed his cousin as army > > > > > > > > > > > chief. That put him at loggerheads with Prem Tinsulanonda, a retired > > > > > > > > > > > general and former prime minister, who is the chief adviser to King > > > > > > > > > > > Bhumibol. Assigning the most senior ranks had been the purview of Mr > > > > > > > > > > > Prem, who chairs the Privy Council. Upstart politicians were not > > > > > > > > > > > supposed to meddle. The resulting Prem-Thaksinfeud and the 2006 coup > > > > > > > > > > > pulled the army firmly back into politics, if indeed it had ever > > > > > > > > > > > really left.
> > > > > > > > > > > Asian democracies like Indonesia and South Korea have put military > > > > > > > > > > > rule behind them, yet Thailand is swimming the other way. A civilian > > > > > > > > > > > government with an electoral mandate might start to turn it around. > > > > > > > > > > > But the elite in Bangkok would not tolerate another pro-Thaksin > > > > > > > > > > > government. On
Subject: Re: The Economist banned in Thailand again (2B.com) ,........ Thaksin will corrupt Thai judges , if the Old King retires, .. the Thai Crown King is a Porn Addict
Discussion subject changed to "The Economist banned in Thailand again ,........ Thaksin will corrupt Thai judges when the Thai old King dies, .. the Thai Crown King is a Porn Addict" by Liu Ya Tzer , a founding member of the KMT and a Communist Sympathizer of Chairman Mao
Liu Ya Tzer , a founding member of the KMT and a Communist Sympathizer of Chairman Mao
From: "Liu Ya Tzer , a founding member of the KMT and a Communist Sympathizer of Chairman Mao" <monsteroooodk...@gmail.com>
Date: Tue, 20 Oct 2009 17:48:54 -0700 (PDT)
Local: Wed, Oct 21 2009 8:48 am
Subject: Re: The Economist banned in Thailand again ,........ Thaksin will corrupt Thai judges when the Thai old King dies, .. the Thai Crown King is a Porn Addict
Thaksin the Hakka Chinese now buys a FiJi passport and is hidding in safety so that , the New Thai Young king might give him a Royal pardon , which Red Shirts are asking for , after the Crown prince becomes the New Thai king.
n Oct 20, 4:14 am, Wakalukong <wakaluk...@yahoo.com.sg> wrote:
From: "Jesus Christ , St. Mary 's cunt ' s faithful Fucker , is the Unique son of God" <veak...@gmail.com>
Date: Thu, 5 Nov 2009 16:10:13 -0800 (PST)
Local: Fri, Nov 6 2009 8:10 am
Subject: Re: The Economist banned in Thailand again ,........ Thaksin will corrupt Thai judges when the Thai old King dies, .. the Thai Crown King is a Porn Addict
<monsteroooodk...@gmail.com> wrote: > Thaksin is waiting for the Old Thai to die ,
> Thaksin the Hakka Chinese now buys a FiJi passport and is > hidding in safety so that , > the New Thai Young king might give him a Royal pardon , which > Red Shirts are asking for , > after the Crown prince becomes the New Thai king.
> n Oct 20, 4:14 am, Wakalukong <wakaluk...@yahoo.com.sg> wrote:
> > On Oct 20, 12:18 pm, wakalukong <wakaluko...@gmail.com> wrote:> On Oct 4, 5:08 pm, la Comtesse Erzsebet de Bathory
> > (snip) > > ----------
> > You're wakalukong? BALLS, don't even dream about it. You're Komin > > the shameless thief. Open your stinking mouth.
Discussion subject changed to "HUN SEN anounced yesterday 8th Nov. that ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra would arrive Cambodia on 12th November 2009 ........ Thaksin will corrupt Thai judges when the Thai old King dies, .. the Thai Crown King is a Porn Addict" by Jesus Christ , St. Mary 's cunt ' s faithful Fucker , is the Unique son of God
Jesus Christ , St. Mary 's cunt ' s faithful Fucker , is the Unique son of God
From: "Jesus Christ , St. Mary 's cunt ' s faithful Fucker , is the Unique son of God" <veak...@gmail.com>
Date: Sun, 8 Nov 2009 16:58:42 -0800 (PST)
Local: Mon, Nov 9 2009 8:58 am
Subject: HUN SEN anounced yesterday 8th Nov. that ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra would arrive Cambodia on 12th November 2009 ........ Thaksin will corrupt Thai judges when the Thai old King dies, .. the Thai Crown King is a Porn Addict
> Mr. Hun Sen officially appointed Mr . Thaksin > to be Hun Sen ' s economic advisor in Cambodia .
> n Oct 20, 4:48 pm, "Liu Ya Tzer , a founding member of the KMT and > a Communist Sympathizer of Chairman Mao"
> <monsteroooodk...@gmail.com> wrote: > > Thaksin is waiting for the Old Thai to die ,
> > Thaksin the Hakka Chinese now buys a FiJi passport and is > > hidding in safety so that , > > the New Thai Young king might give him a Royal pardon , which > > Red Shirts are asking for , > > after the Crown prince becomes the New Thai king.
> > n Oct 20, 4:14 am, Wakalukong <wakaluk...@yahoo.com.sg> wrote:
> > > On Oct 20, 12:18 pm, wakalukong <wakaluko...@gmail.com> wrote:> On Oct 4, 5:08 pm, la Comtesse Erzsebet de Bathory
> > > (snip) > > > ----------
> > > You're wakalukong? BALLS, don't even dream about it. You're Komin > > > the shameless thief. Open your stinking mouth.
Discussion subject changed to "Thaksin today the 10th November 2009 arrives in Cambodia .. the Thai Crown King is a Porn Addict" by la Comtesse Erzsebet de Bathory
> Thaksin will arrive Cambodia this week , on Nov. 12th 2009 .
> n Nov 5, 4:10 pm, "Jesus Christ , St. Mary 's cunt ' s faithful > Fucker , is the Unique son of God" <veak...@gmail.com> wrote:
> > Mr. Hun Sen officially appointed Mr . Thaksin > > to be Hun Sen ' s economic advisor in Cambodia .
> > n Oct 20, 4:48 pm, "Liu Ya Tzer , a founding member of the KMT and > > a Communist Sympathizer of Chairman Mao"
> > <monsteroooodk...@gmail.com> wrote: > > > Thaksin is waiting for the Old Thai to die ,
> > > Thaksin the Hakka Chinese now buys a FiJi passport and is > > > hidding in safety so that , > > > the New Thai Young king might give him a Royal pardon , which > > > Red Shirts are asking for , > > > after the Crown prince becomes the New Thai king.
> > > n Oct 20, 4:14 am, Wakalukong <wakaluk...@yahoo.com.sg> wrote:
> > > > On Oct 20, 12:18 pm, wakalukong <wakaluko...@gmail.com> wrote:> On Oct 4, 5:08 pm, la Comtesse Erzsebet de Bathory
> > > > (snip) > > > > ----------
> > > > You're wakalukong? BALLS, don't even dream about it. You're Komin > > > > the shameless thief. Open your stinking mouth.
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